How Jiang Zemin Encouraged Bo Xilai’s Atrocities, Part III

By Wen Hua On October 23, 2012 @ 10:34 pm

Former Communist Party head Jiang Zemin pictured in the Great Hall of the People on Oct. 21, 2007. As the Party leadership struggles over how to handle Bo Xilai, in the background is Jiang Zemin, who is ultimately responsible for the atrocities Bo carried out. (Goh Chai Hin/Getty Images)

Former Communist Party head Jiang Zemin pictured in the Great Hall of the People on Oct. 21, 2007. As the Party leadership struggles over how to handle Bo Xilai, in the background is Jiang Zemin, who is ultimately responsible for the atrocities Bo carried out. (Goh Chai Hin/Getty Images)

This is Part IIl of the three-part series. Click to read Read Part l and Part ll.

News Analysis

Bo Xilai, who not long ago aspired to paramount rule, now sits in Qincheng Prison in Beijing while his former comrades debate how best to make use of him.

After Bo’s former police chief Wang Lijun was turned over by U.S. Consular officials to deputy ministers sent to take Wang back to Beijing, Wang disclosed the coup Jiang Zemin, Zhou Yongkang, Bo Xilai and others had plotted.

The Jiang faction had understood clearly that great crimes had been committed, and a debt was waiting to be paid. Tens of thousands of innocent Chinese had their organs torn from them while they were alive. They died anonymously and, on the basis of the meager witness testimony to have come out of China so far, in pain. Their bodies were cremated or sold to be turned into museum objects.

Only the rule of the CCP and with it the control of all the Party’s means of coercion and propaganda could ensure the faction’s safety. Bo Xilai was chosen to lead the usurpation.

By exposing this plot Wang defeated it. He gave CCP head Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao the weapon they needed to strip power from Jiang’s faction, which Hu and Wen have done relentlessly one step at a time over the past 8 months.

This September a consensus was reached within the Party: the Maoism Bo had championed was a past that would not be reborn. The Party united in turning in an uncertain, but new direction that repudiated the politics of Jiang and Bo.

But that new consensus did not settle the debt that still waits to be paid. The debate over how to try Bo is ultimately about whether or how to pay that debt.

Gauging Sentiment

According to a trusted source, at a meeting involving organ harvesting in the Party leadership compound Zhongnanhai, Premier Wen Jiabao said, “This [organ harvesting] has happened for many years. And we are about to retire and it has not been solved.”

“Now the news with Wang Lijun, the entire world has known about this,” Wen said. “The issue regarding Falun Gong should be solved together with Bo Xilai. The pieces of doing so are there.”

But so far, Wen’s views have not carried the day. Some Party leaders may favor using the trial of Bo Xilai as the first effort to clean up organ harvesting in China, but they don’t know if the Party can withstand what would follow. Who would then be tried next, and how many former top leaders would need to follow Bo into the docket?

Some Party leaders are trying to gauge sentiment among the people and the cadres, in order to figure out what information about organ harvesting to disclose and how to disclose it. This hesitation has left Jiang’s faction free to find ways to duck and shuffle.

Disclosure and Coverup

On Aug. 28, Xinhua announced that Public Security had busted 28 gangs involved in trafficking in kidneys. On Sept. 9, the Beijing-based business magazine Caijin carried a story about the trial of a gangster who had organized a network for buying kidneys and selling them to surgeons for transplantation.

The Caijin story was franker and more detailed than anything published before about organ harvesting in China. While it did not discuss the forced, live organ harvesting that Bo Xilai had used against Falun Gong practitioners, its discussion of the gangster’s kidney harvesting ring introduced the subject of organ harvesting to the Chinese people.

On the one hand, the Caijin story and the news about the 28 organ trafficking rings seemed to provide a kind of cover story for Jiang’s faction: the organs used in transplantation in China were provided by criminal gangs.

At the same time, the cover story that the gangs did it could only serve as a pretext. It could never satisfy even momentary scrutiny by someone knowledgeable about the issue.

On the other hand, the Caijin story showed how the gangster on trial had merely fit into a previously existing system that involved Public Security, the courts, military hospitals, and surgeons. It gave the Chinese people a hint as to the giant, state-sponsored organ network that was feeding China’s transplantation industry.

On Sept. 17, the deputy minister of Ministry of Health of the People’s Republic of China, Huang Jiefu, tried another approach to confuse the issue. Huang gave Caijin an exclusive interview in which he said that 35 percent of organ transplantations use organs sourced from living bodies, meaning voluntary donors.

Since, for cultural reasons, China’s voluntary organ donation program is almost non-existent, Huang’s statement is obviously false. He perhaps felt the need to give it due to an event the week before in D.C. and an event scheduled to happen the next day in Geneva.

On Sept. 12, a hearing was held in the U.S. Congress on organ harvesting. On Sept. 18, Annette Jun Guo, the editor-in-chief of The Epoch Times, addressed the 16th Plenary Meeting of the U.N. Human Rights Council, calling for an investigation into organ harvesting in China.

This growing international attention restricts the ability of the CCP to simply deny that forced, live organ harvesting has taken place. Chinese outside of China hear about it, and then those inside of China become informed also.

More was revealed a few days after Xinhua announced on Sept. 28 that Bo Xilai was expelled from the Party and would be tried in a criminal court.

The microblog Weibo removed the keyword ban on the word for “live organ harvesting.” Lifting such a ban is a kind of tease. People in China can see the search results but can’t read the articles.

The timing of the relaxation of this censorship was a reminder to those within the regime that Bo Xilai could still be tried for crimes other than “corruption,” while at the same time once more feeding the Chinese public another teaspoon of information about the mass atrocities.


If a coverup, whether by blaming gangsters or pointing to non-existent family donors, of the organ harvesting was not in the cards for Jiang’s faction, another gambit could be tried.

On Oct. 3, Boxun, a Chinese-language news website that has been known to carry articles friendly to Jiang Zemin in the past, carried an article about Bo Xilai. The article said Bo was evil and manipulative, intended to kill more than half a million people when he reached the top of the CCP leadership, and was involved in live organ harvesting, breaking all moral principles.

Boxun’s source said the crime of organ harvesting took place under the protection of the Political and Legal Affairs Committee and was carried out by Gu Kailai, Bo’s wife.

The source also claimed that after the Bo Xilai scandal was brought to light, Jiang Zemin criticized Bo for “crimes against humanity” and descending below the level of human beings.

The Boxun article appears to be a bid by the Jiang faction to sacrifice Bo Xilai in order to protect Jiang Zemin, Zhou Yongkang, and the rest of the faction involved in organ harvesting.

Paying the Debt

Some in the CCP leadership not part of Jiang’s faction may find this latest ploy attractive. It seems to offer a way to acknowledge the atrocities while preserving the Party; the circle is squared.

But the leadership is grasping at straws if they think branding Bo Xilai the scapegoat will give the CCP a way out. Too many people took part in this mass atrocity, which has left too many victims in its wake, for the regime now to be able to make up a fairy tale about it.

Moreover, who bears ultimate responsibility is plain for all to see. Jiang Zemin ordered the persecution of Falun Gong; he encouraged that no limits be placed on measures taken to persecute Falun Gong practitioners; he rewarded the brutality of Bo Xilai and others; he had his domestic security czar Zhou Yongkang expend massive resources on the persecution, which Zhou eagerly did.

Bo, Jiang, Zhou and others cannot escape the guilt for what they did. Party leaders are now deciding whether they will hold Jiang’s faction accountable. If they fail to do so, the debt will still demand to be paid, and they will have taken a share of it.

This is Part 3 of a 3 part series. The first part may be read online here: And the second part here:

Read the original Chinese article.

The Epoch Times publishes in 35 countries and in 19 languages. Subscribe to our e-newsletter.

 Editor’s Note: When Chongqing’s former top cop, Wang Lijun, fled for his life to the U.S. Consulate in Chengdu on Feb. 6, he set in motion a political storm that has not subsided. The battle behind the scenes turns on what stance officials take toward the persecution of Falun Gong. The faction with bloody hands—the officials former CCP head Jiang Zemin promoted in order to carry out the persecution—is seeking to avoid accountability for their crimes and to continue the campaign. Other officials are refusing any longer to participate in the persecution. Events present a clear choice to the officials and citizens of China, as well as people around the world: either support or oppose the persecution of Falun Gong. History will record the choice each person makes.

Click to read about the most recent developments in the ongoing crisis within the Chinese communist regime. In this special topic, we provide readers with the necessary context to understand the situation. Get the RSS feed. Who are the Major Players?

Copyright © 2012 Epoch Times. All rights reserved.



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